Epilogue on the anti-globalization movement – ​​Dijoncter.info - Site d'infos en fight sur Dijon

22 years ago today, anarchists and other protesters successfully blocked and shut down the World Trade Organization summit in Seattle. It was the spectacular start of what journalists called the " anti-globalization movement – in fact, a global movement against neoliberal capitalism. In recent years, we have celebrated the 20th anniversary of many of the highlights of this movement. Today we reflect on its origins and what it can teach contemporary movements.

In the appendix entitled " Countdown to the Battle of Seattle - An Incomplete Timeline we explore the global reach of the movement that led to Seattle's victory.

When we think of the so-called anti-globalization movement, we think of massive protests at the top. In addition to the historic mobilization against the WTO in Seattle, we remember the march of the black bloc against the ministerial meeting of the Free Trade Area of ​​the Americas in Quebec in April 2001, or the riots at the G8 summit in Genoa in July next.

An iconic photograph of the protests against the World Trade Organization summit in Seattle in 1999.

But those peaks were just plumes of smoke rising from a fire. To use a more precise metaphor, these were mushrooms emerging from a mycelial network. The network itself was made up of a variety of anti-colonial and countercultural participatory spaces and movements spread across the globe: Indigenous revolts like that of the EZLN in Mexico, occupation movements like the Movimento Sem Terra in Brazil and the network of squat social centers in Europe, agricultural worker movements from the Indian subcontinent to South Korea, ecological movements like Earth First !, grassroots unions like the Industrial Workers of the World, DIY underground music circles like the rave and punk scenes.

In all these contexts, people were able to develop a common discourse about their lives, their aspirations and their problems, and above all, they were able to experiment with ways of using their agency collectively outside the imperatives of capitalism and the politics of State. (In contrast, today's Internet-based radical networks often provide a virtual space for discourse without providing a shared physical or temporal space for collective experimentation that breaks with the logic of institutions that remain dominant in that society). In the aforementioned contexts, individuals were able to develop their ideas and establish lasting relationships before coming into direct confrontation with the assembled forces of state repression.

" Rooting in long-standing social and cultural spaces was essential to the success of these mobilizations, as it allowed people to experience a common political evolution, to forge links and to innovate new tactics and new discourses. Punks who had played in bands together intuitively figured out how to form affinity groups ; environmental activists who had coordinated campaigns in the woods knew how to facilitate meetings involving people from multiple continents. »

Genoa 2001: Memories from the Front Lines

This all took place years before the massive summit protests that captured the attention of photojournalists. To continue using the mycelium metaphor, the first step was for the individual spores to find fertile soil in which to germinate. Decentralization preceded convergence. The next step was for the individual scenes and movements to come into contact, much like the spores of fungi, when they germinate, send out fungal threads seeking to connect with each other.

Long before we converged in the summit protests, people covering these different backgrounds brought them into contact with each other, demonstrating the virtues of what the Zapatistas called " A world in which several worlds fit ". The old anarchists who had survived the recessions ^and dictatorships of the mid-20th century came into contact with the punks ; the punks traveled to Chiapas and met with indigenous organizers ; indigenous organizers called for global days of action ; and the rest is history.

Today, it's been 20 years since anarchists and other protesters used horizontal organizing and decentralized direct action to shut down the summit of the World Trade Organization in Seattle.

This thread will explore that history.

For a personal account: https://t.co/MXmszochO1 pic.twitter.com/w1OB0rQT0U

— Crimeth Inc. (@crimethinc) November 30, 2019

Building on the approach that brought them to life, some of the earliest public expressions of what became the movement against capitalist globalization were successful because they not only opposed the politics of State and companies, but also to space, and therefore to daily social relations. For example, the anti-road movement in the UK created long-term occupations, temporary autonomous zones in which people could build new relationships and a shared sense of purpose. (The closest thing to these occupations over the past decade is probably the movement around the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes.) The anti-road movement helped give birth to Reclaim the Streets (RTS ), which sought to create short-lived autonomous zones in urban environments, immediately obstructing and disrupting the way of life that depended on car culture. Reclaim the Streets, in turn, played a major role in organizing the " Carnival against capitalism in London on June 18, 1999 - the first truly successful global day of action, which paved the way for the mobilization against the WTO in Seattle.

In the United States, we could trace a similar trajectory, starting with the forest occupations and the Minnehaha Free State.

Reclaim the Streets !

It is important to emphasize that virtually all of these experiences were fundamentally joyful, positive and creative. Reclaim the Streets had street parties - yes they were destroying the streets with jackhammers but the police couldn't see or hear them as the jackhammers were hidden under the skirts of the stilt walkers and drowned out by the techno music . Each event features giant puppets and ends with a punk concert or a rave party. Performance art actions proliferate, as do pranks like those organized by the Yes Men, who create fake websites for global business organizations and then send spokespersons posing as their representatives, inflicting farcical pranks to anyone mistaking the fake websites for the official pages of these institutions.

This joyful and creative approach to resistance is something we have lost, even as confrontations have intensified around the world over the past 20 years. A playful and inventive atmosphere flourished naturally in a movement originating from counter-cultural spaces. Revisit with us this account of a highlight of Reclaim the Streets, the occupation of the M41 motorway on July 13, 1996:

" In July of that year, the RTS organized what was probably its most ambitious and subversive action: the occupation of a section of highway. The short link from the M41 to Shepherds Bush - England's shortest motorway - was turned into a party zone for an afternoon and evening. The sight of thousands of people running down an empty freeway closed off by tall tripods is an image that lingers in the memory... 30-foot "pantomime ladies" slithered into the party throwing confetti. Food stalls handed out free stew and sandwiches, graffiti artists added color to the tarmac, poets fumed from railings, acoustic bands played and buskers performed. At the height of the festivities, beneath tall pantomimes clad in huge skirts of Marie Antoinette, people were hard at work with jackhammers, banging to the beat of techno to drown out the sound of officers standing a few feet away. centimeters, digging into the surface of the road until large craters litter the expressway... to plant seedlings in the bulldozer-destroyed gardens of Claremont Road. »

Reclaim the Streets take to the M41 motorway with stilt walkers and jackhammers on July 13, 1996.

In the United States, anyway, one of the other things that enabled protesters to shut down the World Trade Organization summit was the fact that nothing like this had happened in a generation. The authorities were taken by surprise and made sure it didn't happen again. In Seattle on November 30, 1999, protesters faced some 400 police ; in 2017, protesters faced more than 28,000 security guards at Donald Trump's inauguration in Washington, DC, or 31,000 at G20 protests in Hamburg. Over the past two decades, the state has poured huge resources into suppressing nationwide protests.

It turns out that you can play two on the strategy of convergence. The lesson here is that we must constantly shift the battle lines and open new fronts, not get bogged down trying to repeat ourselves in situations where the authorities can isolate us and concentrate all their forces against us. This is not so much an argument against continuing to employ the same tactics as an argument for constantly seeking new spaces to deploy them.

The police were vastly outnumbered at the WTO protests in Seattle. Otherwise, the passive tactics employed by protesters overwhelmingly " non violent would not have been enough to overwhelm them. As policing intensified and militarized over the following years, activists had to resort to more confrontational tactics, as well as increasing spontaneity and decentralization, in order to outsmart the police.

The other element that made the movement against capitalist globalization so powerful at its height was that, in addition to being heterogeneous, it was fundamentally decentralized. Many hierarchically organized groups participated - unions, political parties, militant organizations with established leadership - but there was no mechanism for them to gain central control, so none of them ever been able to dictate what was happening on the street. The enormous potential of movement of movements emerged organically through the free play of programs and tactics. It was chaos more powerful than any order.

If this movement was so powerful, what happened to it? ? He was not only defeated by police escalation.

In an article we commissioned for Rolling Thunder, our Journal of Dangerous Living, David Graeber argues that the movement against capitalist globalization has plateaued because we have achieved our interim goals of discrediting international financial institutions like the World Organization trade faster than expected. Arguably, this happened all the more quickly because, as we emerged from a period in which the tide of political struggle had receded considerably since the 1960s, the goals of many participants were not particularly radical at the start.

A decade and a half later, in the United States, we have seen Donald Trump appropriate slogans such as " Fair Trade, not Free Trade coming directly from the liberal wing of the anti-globalization movement. These slogans may have served him because they did not reject capitalism itself - they left open the possibility that a better political leadership can make it work properly. Shy souls who argued that radical rhetoric and aspirations would alienate potential supporters and weaken the movement paved the way for our far-right enemies to co-opt our legacy.

Indeed, the movement itself would simply have been called the anti-capitalist movement had it not been for the reformists and journalists who deliberately suppressed this language. It took until the Occupy movement of 2011 for anarchists to force newscasters and liberals to utter the word “ capitalism out loud without a smile, forcing them to recognize the systemic causes of market-induced suffering.

Much of the iconography of the movement that shut down the World Trade Organization has portrayed global trade institutions as undemocratic, allowing reformists – and later nationalist reactionaries – to propose solutions that do not tackle the root of the problem.

For those of us who never believed capitalism could be reformed – who approached global trade summits as opportunities to demonstrate the kind of tactics and values ​​that we hoped would spread among angry and desperate people everywhere - one of the limits we reached was that at a certain point confrontations escalated faster than we could draw more people into the fight . As the clashes escalated, it was hard to resist the urge to focus all of our attention on the opponents immediately in front of us - or, even worse, to focus on ourselves, on other participants in the movement - rather than continuing to direct our attention outwards, to those who were not yet involved but who might have joined us, thus reversing the situation, had we done more to get closer to 'them. One of the main functions of the police is to draw us into private squabbles with the authorities, locking us into the kind of close battle they can win, in order to distract us from the rest of the social terrain, including all those who could still join us but who remain on the sidelines for the moment.

We should always aspire to address the concerns of all who are subject to the same general forces as we are in society – and not simply to an existing political milieu or movement. Rather than stepping up our tactics on our own, imagining that we can win these battles on our own, we should aim to help others meet their needs outside and against the logic of state and capitalism, striving to demonstrate the tactics and strategies by which they can do so. When we achieve this, social struggles will escalate on their own. It is our successes in this area that have created the soil from which the movement against capitalist globalization has grown.

When looking to win a battle, it helps to get as far away from the battlefield as possible before you start strategizing. The game of go is much more instructive than the game of chess.

In the end, it was neither the escalation of policing nor our downsizing that spelled the end of the movement. Rather, the global justice movement hit a dead end after the attacks of September 11, 2001, when the governments we opposed were able to substitute a narrative of terrorism, war, and ethnic violence for our proposals for social change. This change in discourse was fatal not only because it distracted or intimidated those who might have joined the movement, but also because it allowed authoritarian groups who had been sidelined by the movement to take over the initiative and to occupy the space of protest.

The anti-war movement, which immediately followed the so-called anti-globalization movement in the same way that reaction follows revolution, provides a useful counterpoint to its strengths. From the beginning of the organization, the organizers of traditional Marxist parties made sure to hold the reins - and the fog of the "anti-war" discourse proved more conducive to their ambitions than the most confused opposition to the institutions global financials. Immediately after the 9/11 attacks, Workers World Party members organized the ANSWER coalition as a front group for their ambitions ; six months later, in March 2002, members of the Revolutionary Communist Party created the Not in Our Name coalition. These two dinosaurs dominated the organization of the demonstrations during the years that followed.

As a result, a much larger number of people poured into the streets - February 15, 2003 saw one of the largest crowds of all time - without the energetic mobilizations that took place against capitalist globalization having had the slightest impact.

" Overall, the protests that took place around the world on February 15, 2003 were the most watched in human history, yet they did absolutely nothing to embarrass the Bush administration. You could say it's a triumph of co-optation that so much outrage and motivation has been diverted into ineffectual rituals, so soon after anti-capitalists demonstrated the power of direct action. »

“What to Expect from the Conventions”

Nevertheless, to this day, the icons of the 1960s continue to lecture young people on the importance of centralized leadership. We have heard this criticism throughout the Occupy movement, then in the Ferguson and Baltimore uprisings, then in the resistance to Trump, and finally in the 2020 uprising. In reality, the decentralization and organized direct action of autonomous manner have been essential to all the powerful movements of our time, while centralized leadership has been fatal to all the struggles that fall under its sway. For evidence of this, one need only compare the "climate justice" movement, which has been bogged down since the influx of funding from nonprofit corporations and liberal strategists in the wake of the film An Inconvenient Truth. of Al Gore, with the movement against the police and white supremacy.

" Compare the People's Climate March of 2014, which united 400,000 people behind a simple message while doing so little to protest that it was unnecessary for authorities to make a single arrest, with the Baltimore uprising of April 2015. Many praised the climate march while deriding the Baltimore riots, calling them irrational, unacceptable and ineffective ; yet the climate march had little concrete impact, while the riots in Baltimore forced the attorney general to bring almost unprecedented lawsuits against police officers. You can bet that if 400,000 people reacted to climate change like a few thousand reacted to the murder of Freddie Gray, politicians would change their priorities. »

“Why We Don't Make Demands”

The black bloc in Seattle during the 1999 WTO protests. This tactic, among the most controversial of the time - not least because participants explicitly avoided making demands - has spread to contemporary movements, from Hong Kong in Chile, and proved essential during the 2020 uprising in the United States.

What can we learn, looking at the movement against capitalist globalization, so ?

First of all, it is necessary to place the movement in its historical context. At the time, the old labor movements of the ^20th century had been overtaken by the post-Fordist reorganization of the production process, which turned the whole world into a factory made up of instantly replaceable parts. In response to this situation, as labor organizers tried in vain to hold back ground from their previous victories, the counter-globalization movement organized itself internationally based on the impact of capitalism on everyone. between us, rather than simply seeking to defend the position of certain workers within the economy. This approach foreshadowed the success of the Occupy movement, which also began by approaching capitalism as a shared condition, rather than an attempt to negotiate conditions for students, workers, or other specific demographic groups.

In the 1980s and 1990s, the do-it-yourself spaces that helped give birth to the alter-globalization movement were alluring because they were participatory at a time when corporate media and politics in general were top-down and unidirectional. The social media that everyone uses today is a cooptation of the participatory models exemplified by the Indymedia network that emerged during the Seattle organization in 1999. Today, it is essential for the stability of the dominant order that the attitudes and allegiances that perpetuate it seem to emerge from the voluntary expression of ordinary citizens, not party leaders or the largely discredited corporate media.

But what needs a ostensibly social media world? participatory » does he leave dissatisfied ? The need for real presence and connection, for a shared lived experience. We saw it during the Occupy movement, and more recently during the 2020 uprising: in an age of digital connectivity and physical isolation, people urgently want to share space and time with each other. others, to share experiences that cannot be reduced to pixels.

The capitalist triumphalism of the 1990s is now a thing of the past. 21st century capitalism no longer claims that everyone will benefit from the economy ^and the state. It assumes that people will be excluded and dehumanized by the million. Politicians like Donald Trump have succeeded not by promising people a better standard of living, but by promising their constituents that the violence inherent in capitalist society will be directed primarily against others.

In response, we could step back from the immediate confrontations - which are sure to persist and escalate, whether we like it or not - to ask ourselves what people desperately need today and reflect on how we could we organize at the grassroots to provide these things as a starting point for struggles that can ultimately replace state power with a new basis for our relationships. It is not just about food and shelter – which self-help groups have admirably mobilized to provide and defend during the pandemic – nor about ensuring our survival in the face of increasingly widespread ecological disasters. It is also about creating meaningful links between people, channeling creativity outside of virtual spaces where it serves business platforms, inventing new forms of joy and conviviality. These should be our starting points as we approach the next phase of our struggle against capitalism and the industrial destruction of the biosphere.

Some background material on the movements of yesteryear: the issue of the Complete Control zine describing the WTO protests, the zine on logistics that circulated prior to the WTO protests, a collection of independent media reports SchNews, the eco-resistance journal Do or Die, Reflections on June 18, etc.

To find out more: 22 years of counter-summits

Flashback to June 18, 1999: The Carnival against Capital The Power is Running: Shutting Down the WTO Summit in Seattle, 1999 The Quebec City FTAA Summit, April 2001: The Revolutionary Anti-Capitalist Offensive Genoa 2001: Memories from the Front Lines—Taking on the G8 at the Climax of a Movement Let ^Me Light My Cigarette on Your Burning Blockade: An Eyewitness Account of the 2003 Anti-G8 Demonstrations in Évian, France Bringing the Heat in Miami: An Analysis of Direct Action at the November 2003 FTAA Ministerial Taking on the G8 in Scotland, July 2005: A Retrospective Can't Stop the Chaos: Autonomous Resistance to the 2007 G8 in Germany The Pittsburgh G20 Mobilization, 2009—see also this account The Toronto G20, 2010: Eyewitness Report DON'T TRY TO BREAK US–WE'LL EXPLODE: The 2017 G20 and the Battle of Hamburg

Annex

The following timeline was originally published in issue 9 of the journal Do or Die: Voices from the Ecological Resistance. This is an important reference, which shows the global reach of the movement against capitalist globalization.

Countdown to the Battle of Seattle - An Incomplete Timeline

February 1999, Bay Area, California, USA A group called San Francisco Art and Revolution produces and distributes a letter to groups and individuals across North America inviting them to help coordinate mass direct action against the meeting of the 'World Trade Organization later in the year. June 18, financial centers around the world

A call for a global day of action by several UK-based direct action groups is leading to the simultaneous occupation and transformation of financial and banking centers around the world. As the G8 meets in Cologne, Germany, actions erupt in more than 100 cities in more than 40 countries and on every continent on the planet. The networking before and after the event, combined with the exchange of information and the inspiration provided by the reports of actions that took place during D18 itself, creates massive excitement and poses a part of the basics that lead to the success of the N30.

Early summer 1999, somewhere near Seattle, Washington, USA A collective inspired by J18's day of action and the trend of " globalization of resistance calls for a global anti-capitalist day of action on Tuesday, November 30, 1999 to coincide with the first day of the Third World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference to be held in Seattle, Washington.

Spring/Summer 1999, Northern California, USA The Direct Action Network (DAN) is founded and a plan is made to hold a ten-day Direct Action Convergence in Seattle, November 19-29, to be followed by four days of action to shut down the WTO.

August 23-27, Bangalore, IndiaThe second conference of the PGA (People's Global Action Against free exchange and the WTO) is organized by the Karnataka State Farmers Association (KRRS). Several hundred people gather to discuss ideas, philosophy, tactics and strategy for building a global anti-capitalist network. The PGA echoes the call to make November 30 a global day of action. An intercontinental PGA caravan is also scheduled to cross the United States during the period leading up to November 30.

From September 28 to October 18, West Coast North AmericaArt et Révolution takes part in a " Resist the WTO Roadshow and visits a number of unions, church groups, direct action collectives, community groups, schools and universities. The group organizes discussions and workshops on the WTO, street theater and non-violent direct action. Propaganda is distributed and people are encouraged to come to the Direct Action Convergence in Seattle beginning November 20 to help shut down the WTO.

September-October, Eugene, Oregon, USAThe number " 1999 from the Earth First newspaper ! Journal is published and distributed worldwide. The centerfold of four pages is titled " Shut Down the World Trade Organization and encourages people to come to Seattle. It also contains information on the WTO, the global resistance to globalization, the history of Peoples' Global Action (PGA), the 1919 Seattle General Strike, internet resources, ideas for organizing against WTO, a list of upcoming events and information on the " mass nonviolent direct action sponsored by DAN and scheduled for November 30. Other copies of the tract were produced and distributed in North America by the thousands.

October 16-23, Washington, USA "Globalize This ! The Ruckus action camp takes place. Several hundred people from across North America are offered direct action training, while numerous workshops and discussions are held. A person involved with London Reclaim the Streets is hosting a workshop on 18 June mobilization in the UK in hopes of inspiring success in Seattle.

Du 29 octobre au 27 novembre, dans tous les États-UnisLa caravane intercontinentale de l'Action mondiale des peuples (AGP), composée de délégués de l'Alliance nationale indienne des mouvements populaires (NAPM), de l'Action verte d'Israël et de plusieurs groupes israéliens d'éducation écologique et de défense des droits des animaux, d'écologistes boliviens, de London Reclaim the Streets, du mouvement autonomiste allemand, du Réseau des femmes du Panama, de travailleurs industriels et agricoles et de l'Association des agriculteurs de l'État du Karnataka (KRRS), visite des villes de New York à San Diego et Seattle.

Du 4 au 27 novembre, à travers le CanadaDes étudiants, des syndicalistes et des écologistes diffusent des informations sur la mobilisation anti-OMC par le biais d'une Caravane pancanadienne qui traverse l'Ontario, le Manitoba, la Saskatchewan, l'Alberta et la Colombie-Britannique avant d'arriver à Seattle.

15 novembre, Amsterdam, Pays-BasUn petit groupe occupe un navire-musée - l'un des plus anciens symboles du passé colonial de la Hollande - dans le port d'Amsterdam en signe de protestation symbolique contre l'OMC.

16 novembre, Genève, SuisseUne trentaine de personnes occupent le siège de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce pendant plusieurs heures. Les escaliers menant aux bureaux de Michael Moore, directeur général de l'OMC, sont bloqués et d'énormes banderoles sur lesquelles on peut lire « Pas de commerce, pas d'organisation : Self-Management ! " and " WTO Kills People - Kill the WTO ! » sont accrochées sur le toit. Les occupants diffusent des images en direct de l'action dans le cyberespace à partir d'un ordinateur portable [sic].

19 novembre, Athènes, GrècePeu avant de s'envoler pour Seattle, ville en proie à des émeutes, Clinton se rend à Athènes, où il est accueilli par des dizaines de milliers de personnes qui protestent contre la politique commerciale des États-Unis et leur activité dans les Balkans. Alors que les affrontements avec la police se poursuivent, des centaines de personnes construisent des barricades, brisent des fenêtres, lancent des bombes incendiaires dans des dizaines de banques et détruisent un quartier commercial à la mode.

20 novembre, Seattle, Washington, États-UnisLa Convergence d'Action Directe sponsorisée par DAN commence. Des milliers de personnes venant de toute l'Amérique du Nord et de nombreux pays d'Europe, d'Amérique, d'Afrique, d'Asie et d'Australasie commencent à arriver à Seattle. Ils se voient proposer un hébergement dans un certain nombre d'entrepôts, de squats et de maisons privées, de la nourriture gratuite fournie par Food not Bombs trois fois par jour, des séances d'information juridique, des ateliers de premiers secours, une formation à la non-violence [sic], la possibilité de former ou de rejoindre des groupes d'affinité, des projections de vidéos et des conférences, ainsi que des ateliers et des discussions sur tous les sujets, de la pratique à la philosophie.

Du 22 au 29 novembre, dans toute la TurquieDes agriculteurs, des écologistes, des syndicalistes et d'autres personnes participent à une marche de neuf jours à travers le Corlu (nord-ouest de la Turquie). Ils parcourent plus de 2000 miles jusqu'à Ankara, la capitale du pays, où ils arrivent le 30 novembre. Sur leur chemin, ils visitent 18 villes et villages différents pour y tenir des discussions.

24 novembre, Manille, PhilippinesDes manifestants anti-ASEAN (Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-Est) organisent un rassemblement contre la libéralisation du commerce et des investissements ; la police les attaque à l'aide de matraques et de canons à eau.

New Delhi, Inde300 autochtones de l'État indien du Madhya Pradesh occupent la Banque mondiale, escaladant la clôture, bloquant l'entrée du bâtiment et le recouvrant d'affiches, de graffitis et de bouse de vache.

25 novembre, Paris, FranceDans le cadre d'une manifestation contre la libéralisation du commerce, 5000 agriculteurs avec des chèvres, des canards et des moutons se régalent de produits régionaux sous la Tour Eiffel.

26 novembre, New York, États-UnisPlusieurs centaines de personnes érigent un trépied de deux étages et organisent une fête massive pour reconquérir Times Square le jour le plus chargé de l'année en matière de shopping.

Seattle, Washington, États-UnisAlors que des centaines de personnes descendent dans la rue pour une célébration carnavalesque de la journée « Buy Nothing/Steal Something », une bannière est suspendue au-dessus de l'autoroute 5 pour protester contre l'OMC. Les accrocheurs de la bannière sont arrêtés.

27 novembre, Washington DC, États-UnisUn groupe d'activistes, affirmant que l'accord ADPIC (Droits de propriété intellectuelle liés au commerce) préconisé par l'OMC empêcherait les nations pauvres de se procurer des médicaments essentiels, occupe les bureaux de la représentante américaine au commerce Charlene Barshefsky, réclamant « des médicaments essentiels pour toutes les nations ".

Milan, ItalieDes travailleurs et des squatters s'unissent contre l'OMC dans une manifestation syndicale de base, tandis que d'autres s'enferment dans un magasin McDonalds, accrochant des banderoles et distribuant des tracts dénonçant le « neoliberalism ".

Prague, République tchèquePlusieurs actions sont organisées dans des supermarchés locaux, notamment la distribution de nourriture gratuite par Food not Bombs, tandis que de la propagande sur la mondialisation et l'OMC est distribuée. Des activités similaires ont lieu dans d'autres villes tchèques.

Séoul, Corée du SudTrois mille travailleurs, étudiants et activistes se rassemblent contre l'OMC.

Genève, SuisseDeux mille agriculteurs et trois mille citadins défilent contre l'OMC.

27-28 novembre, dans toute la France75 000 personnes dans 80 villes différentes de France descendent dans la rue pour résister à l'OMC et à « la dictature des marchés ". Pendant ce temps, des membres de la Fédération paysanne française manifestent avec des centaines d'autres personnes devant le McDonalds de Seattle.

28 novembre, Seattle, Washington, États-UnisLes derniers préparatifs de la journée d'action du 30 novembre sont mis en place. La tension commence à monter. Le titre du Seattle Post-Intelligencier est le suivant : « De toute façon, de qui vient cette idée ? ".

29 novembre, Milan, ItalieDes étudiants de l'université La Bicocca occupent la faculté des sciences biologiques pour protester contre l'Organisation mondiale du commerce et l'imposition de la biotechnologie.

Seattle, Washington, États-UnisUn symposium destiné à permettre aux ministres du commerce et aux fonctionnaires de l'OMC d'écouter (c'est-à-dire de coopter et de neutraliser) les points de vue des groupes de travailleurs, de défense des droits de l'homme et de protection de l'environnement doit être reprogrammé après qu'une « faille de sécurité » ait obligé la police à fermer et à fouiller le centre de conférence pendant cinq heures et demie.

Du 29 novembre au 3 décembre, New Delhi, IndeCinq cents femmes et hommes de la région de Maheshwar dans la vallée de la Narmada participent à un Dharna (sit-in) de trois jours à Raj Ghat pour protester contre l'OMC et la construction du barrage de la Narmada.

30 novembre, Santos, BrésilSous la bannière « Brésil, 500 ans de résistance indienne, noire et populaire », le collectif Alternative verte et le réseau libertaire de Brixada Sanista font du théâtre de rue tandis que des clowns distribuent des tracts dénonçant la pauvreté et le capital.30 novembre 1999 à Seattle.

Milan, ItalieDes informations sont distribuées sur l'OMC, la construction des barrages de Narmada et d'Itoiz, et les centres locaux de détention pour immigrés. Le soir, une discussion publique a lieu dans l'énorme centre social squatté « Leoncavallo ".

Rome, ItalieLe siège du Comité national pour la bio-sécurité est occupé et des banderoles sont déposées en opposition à l'OMC et à la biotechnologie.

Pays de GallesDes manifestants anti-OMC descendent dans les rues de Cardiff et Bangor.

Québec, CanadaUne coalition anti-OMC fait le tour de la ville en visitant plusieurs banques, le ministère de l'Industrie et le parlement, en jouant du théâtre de rue et en organisant une danse pour « les gens avant le profit ".

Prague, République tchèqueFood Not Bombs distribue de la nourriture gratuite tandis que de nombreux supermarchés reçoivent des tracts.

Leeds, Angleterre50 personnes distribuent des tracts devant des bureaux d'entreprises, entourées de quelque 300 policiers.

Halifax, AngleterreUne usine Nestlé est occupée par un certain nombre de groupes liés au réseau Earth First ! Plusieurs des occupants sont arrêtés car ils sont soupçonnés d'association de malfaiteurs, une infraction passible d'une peine maximale de dix ans d'emprisonnement. Les accusations sont abandonnées par la suite.

Totnes, AngleterreDes bâtiments destinés à être convertis en appartements de luxe sont squattés et ouverts comme café et centre d'information pour distribuer de la propagande anti-OMC.

Londres, AngleterreDes étudiants dressent un piquet devant la succursale de Lewisham de la City Bank pour protester contre la privatisation de l'éducation. La Campagne pour la sécurité dans la construction organise une manifestation devant l'ambassade du Canada en réponse à la tentative du Canada d'encourager l'OMC à faire en sorte que certains pays européens lèvent leur interdiction d'utiliser l'amiante. Tout au long de la journée, des informations sur les liens entre la privatisation des transports publics et l'OMC sont distribuées devant la gare d'Euston. À la nuit tombée, plusieurs milliers de personnes se réunissent pour un rassemblement. Des violences éclatent entre la police et les manifestants et un fourgon de la police britannique des transports est renversé et incendié.

Manchester, Angleterre50 personnes occupent une succursale de la banque Lloyds, puis bloquent la route à l'extérieur.

Lille, FranceDouze banques, dont la Banque Centrale de France, sont peintes en rouge pendant la nuit.

Dijon, FranceL'entrée de la Chambre de Commerce de Dijon est bloquée par une chaîne de 30 personnes.

Toulouse, FranceUn Père Noël anticapitaliste distribue des fruits capitalistes pourris aux passants tandis que d'énormes panneaux d'information anti-OMC sont érigés dans le centre-ville.

Berlin, AllemagneAlors que des projecteurs diffusent le slogan « Bloquez l'OMC » sur les murs des bâtiments, une manifestation fictive se déroule dans la ville avec des banderoles faisant l'éloge du néolibéralisme et appelant à « Plus d'ordre, plus de sécurité et plus de police ".

Munich, AllemagneSiemens, une entreprise allemande tristement célèbre pour avoir utilisé des esclaves juifs pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, est prise pour cible par 150 manifestants pour son rôle dans la construction du barrage de Maheshwar dans la vallée de Narmada, en Inde.

Séoul, Corée du SudTrois films sur le FMI, l'OMC et l'impact de l'économie néolibérale sur les peuples du monde sont présentés au Festival du film sur les droits de l'homme de Séoul.

New Delhi, Inde11 000 cartes postales de protestation des habitants de la région de Maheshwar sont remises à l'ambassade d'Allemagne par des représentants du NBA (Save Narmada Movement) pour demander l'arrêt de la construction du barrage de Maheshwar. Une centaine de militants du NBA organisent un rassemblement devant l'ambassade. Pendant ce temps, 500 autres militants du NBA, un mouvement de femmes des bidonvilles de Delhi, une organisation étudiante radicale, des représentants de l'Alliance nationale des mouvements populaires (NAPM) et des membres de plusieurs autres organisations locales organisent un rassemblement contre l'OMC près de Raj Ghat, où sont enterrées les cendres du Mahatma Gandhi.

Vallée de la Narmada, IndePlus de 1000 personnes participent à une manifestation contre l'OMC organisée par Youths for Narmada.

Bangalore, IndeUne manifestation contre l'OMC est organisée par l'Association des agriculteurs de l'État de Karnataka (KRRS) ; des milliers d'agriculteurs venus de tout l'État y participent.

Nashville, États-UnisDes manifestants anti-OMC portant une marionnette Ronald McDonald de 13 pieds occupent la réception des bureaux de la campagne présidentielle d'Al Gore.

Baltimore, États-UnisUn black bloc anarchiste et une course cycliste Critical Mass sèment le chaos anti-OMC dans les rues de Baltimore.

IslandeDes manifestations visent une base militaire et une ambassade américaines, exigeant leur retrait d'Islande.

LuxembourgLe département gouvernemental chargé de participer aux négociations de l'OMC est occupé par un groupe qui se fait appeler « Le Conseil central des opposants dispersés à l'OMC ".

Amsterdam, Pays-BasUne centaine de personnes arrivent à l'aéroport de Schiphol et exigent des vols gratuits pour Seattle de la part des trois compagnies aériennes qui parrainent la conférence ministérielle.

Manille, Philippines8000 syndicalistes organisent un rassemblement contre l'OMC devant l'ambassade des Etats-Unis et le palais présidentiel.

Iloilo, PhilippinesUne manifestation a lieu contre la loi minière de 1995, qui autorise une participation étrangère de 100 % dans les projets locaux.

Bacolod, PhilippinesUn rassemblement a lieu contre les projets du président Joseph Estrada de modifier la constitution pour permettre un plus grand nombre d'investissements étrangers.

Buenos Aires, ArgentineUne coalition de groupes d'activistes occupe la route à l'extérieur de la Bourse en la déclarant zone « Au-delà du marché ".

PakistanPlus de 8 000 personnes défilent sous la bannière « Fermez l'OMC ! ".

Lisbonne, Portugal300 gauchistes, écologistes et anarchistes barbouillent de graffitis l'arbre de Noël de la ville et un magasin McDonald's, bloquent les rues et brûlent une effigie de l'OMC sur une place de la ville.

Porto, PortugalDes personnes portant des T-shirts avec les slogans « Le monde n'est pas une marchandise " and " Contre le capital : Résistance globale ! » distribuent des tracts dans le centre ville et distribuent de la fausse monnaie.

Wellington, Aotearoa (Nouvelle-Zélande)Des anarchistes distribuent de la propagande anti-OMC et de la nourriture gratuite tout en projetant un film et un diaporama sur l'impact des sanctions sur le peuple irakien.

Seattle, WashingtonLe chaos éclate dans les rues de la ville alors que des dizaines de milliers de personnes bloquent le Washington Trade and Convention Center. Pendant ce temps, un black bloc de 150 personnes brise les vitres des entreprises sponsors de l'OMC et peint la ville de graffitis anti-OMC et anticapitalistes.

PS : Repris et traduit (sommairement) de CrimeThinc